'Burning Knowledge': My Book Is Among Those Banned by the Jammu & Kashmir Administration
Piotr Balcerowicz
It has come to my notice that the government of Jammu and Kashmir, home department, banned two of three monographs, which I have co-authored, on the situation in the territories of the former Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, namely Human Rights Violations in Kashmir (Routledge, 2022), and Law and Conflict Resolution in Kashmir (Routledge, 2022), leaving out – for reasons unknown to me – the third monograph Kashmir in India and Pakistan Policies (Routledge, 2022). My two monographs were included in the list of 25 titles proscribed (‘forfeited’) on 5th August, 2025.
These three volumes jointly constitute perhaps the most comprehensive account on the situation in Jammu and Kashmir to date. As emphasised in each of the volumes, the monographs provide an impartial, unbiased, balanced, detailed, interdisciplinary and thoroughly researched analysis of the policies of India and Pakistan vis-à-vis the Kashmir issue with special reference to the human rights problems in both parts of the disputed territory. The three monographs partly resulted from my deep preoccupation with South Asia since the early 1980s when I embarked on my study of Indian philosophy, South Asian religions and cultures, Sanskrit, Prakrits, Hindi and Bengali first in Warsaw (Poland), and then in Varanasi.
Both these focal points matter a lot in the two South Asian neighbours: Jammu and Kashmir and human rights. First, both India and Pakistan use, either explicitly or indirectly, the Kashmir issue as an important determinant of their internal and foreign policies, and the Kashmir conflict is embedded in the power structures of both states, thus preventing its solution. Even more so, the issue of Kashmir has shaped the national identities of the two states in their quest of nation-building and national self-identity.
Second, the condition of human rights in every country – and India is not an exception – mirrors the well-being of its population, the robustness or frailty of its democracy and the (un)accountability of its government. Human rights concern us all, each and every citizen and each and every human being on this planet. They are about us more than anything else.
Retrogression in basic freedoms, dominance of poverty and deprivation of economic rights, the growth of national or religious chauvinism, oppressive political culture and gagged public discourse is symptomatic of failed democracies on the fast track to authoritarianism. The state of human rights is therefore the litmus test for assessing the actual health of democracy in any country, of the competence of its administration and institutions, and its non-oppressive nature.
The understanding of such intricate problems related to the two focal points – Kashmir and human rights – is vital in many ways, such as governing the country, justice, taking prudent measures in foreign policies, successful management of local conflicts, implementation of reforms that contribute to peace, corruption-free administration, etc. All with the view that the government and administration are servants of the nation, of each and every citizen, not the other way round.
As author, I can express my satisfaction that the readership of these books of mine has grown lately and they have aroused interest even in the administration circles of the government of Jammu and Kashmir. I trust that an in-depth reading of the books should contribute to a better understanding of the complexity of problems the north Indian region and its population faces.
Solving these problems will hopefully eliminate root causes of violence and terrorist activities that have plagued the territories of Jammu and Kashmir in recent decades. These include, among others, alienation, disempowerment and disenfranchisement of the local population, deprivation in the sphere of civil and human rights as well as abuse and crimes perpetrated by the state against the civilian population.
In situation of popular memory of violence, deprivation and violation of human rights, the solution lies not in the increase of oppression, deepening grievances or expansion of armed forces stationed in the region, but rather promotion of national unity through measures similar to those successfully undertaken by The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission after the infamous era of apartheid.
Sadly, the counterproductive decision to impose the ban on my books seems to demonstrate that the decision-makers’ actual knowledge of the contents of these volumes is probably inadequate, and perhaps may even not extend beyond the front pages. Being pacifist by deep conviction since childhood, nothing in my books or in other titles contained in the proscribed list I happen to know, could be even vaguely related ‘to the propagation of false narrative and secessionism in J&K’ or ‘to the excitement of secessionism and endangering sovereignty and integrity of India’. Quite the contrary. If a country intends, say, to eliminate or reduce the number of road accidents, one should first examine the situation on roads and causes of such accidents, and only then implement adequate regulations to solve the problem. And this is what my books do, as scientific and research literature does: analyse problems and suggest solutions.
Every piece of science and research is by default critical, simply because through scientific and rational means we overcome our ignorance. As Patañjali once said, “ignorance is the root of all evils” (āvidyā … mūlaṃ sarva-kleśānām). With his paradigm shift in astronomy from a geocentric to a heliocentric model of the universe, Copernicus rebelled against the dominant narrative, and thereby changed our minds: we can fly to the moon now. Science and research necessarily result in conclusions that are often not commensurable with popular, traditional understanding of facts or with the acceptance of those who wield power. Yes, the only path to progress and betterment of our lives is through science and research, and the antidote to ignorance is knowledge (vidyā). But knowledge without prior analysis is non-existent. Therefore, science and research should be appreciated, even if analysis and conclusions may not support existing superstitions or political goals.
In the context of censorship and banning books, it should be reminded what once a German poet Heinrich Heine wrote in 1821: „Where they burn books, they will, in the end, burn human beings too” (“Wo man Bücher verbrennt, verbrennt man auch am Ende Menschen”), which was very prophetic. We can read these lines now for instance in Göttingen (Germany), where I studied for a short while, on a memorial where on 10 May, 1933, the Nazis burnt hundreds of books of such famous scientists, thinkers and artists as Albert Einstein, Bertolt Brecht, Sigmund Freud, Franz Kafka, Karl Marx, Romain Rolland, Ernest Hemingway, Jack London and hundreds of others.
First, it was books that burnt throughout Nazi Germany, simply because they were considered by the political system to misguide the youth, radicalise the people, incite violence or impact the psyche of youth by promoting undesired ideas, or distort historical facts. A few years later, books were replaced with human beings in gas chambers.
This grim history teaches us that a response to science and research, even if it is critical by definition, is not to ban and burn, but to learn, deepen one’s knowledge, discuss and debate in order to find the truth and solve problems. A country that censors or bans books, burns the knowledge that may be required to solve existential problems they face. With limited knowledge, we may blindly touch the elephant’s trunk thinking it is a venomous snake, not noticing that it is a wise and benevolent creature. To understand this simple fact, we require research, not bans.
Dr. Piotr Balcerowicz is a professor of Indian philosophy, religions and history, Sanskrit and Prakrits, also teaching international relations and conflict management. Currently a professor at the University of Warsaw; former professor at the University of Munich (LMU); visiting professor at the University of Hamburg, Germany; a former student and junior researcher of Banaras Hindu University (BHU). The founder and president of the Association Education for Peace that since 2002 has constructed educational institutions (schools, university institutes) and trained human rights monitors and independent journalists in war-affected regions (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Myanmar/Burma, South Sudan, Burkina Faso, Uganda). His publications include more than 100 papers and around 30 authored, co-authored or edited volumes.Courtesy: The Wire